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Sebahat Tuncel: Justice for Narin and against patriarchy

In Turkey today, the struggle for justice often clashes with established systems of patriarchy and political power. This reality was particularly striking in the case of the murder of 8-year-old Narin Güran. Former Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) MP Sebahat Tuncel draws attention to the systemic failures that allowed this tragedy to happen, and the broader social conditions that continue to undermine women's and children's rights in Turkey.

5:28 pm 14/11/2024
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Sebahat Tuncel: Justice for Narin and against patriarchy
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Former political prisoner and ex Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) representative Sebahat Tuncel published an important opinion piece in Yeni Yaşam on 13 November. In the article, Tuncel analyses the systemic failures that allowed the murder of Narin Güran to happen, and the broader social conditions that continue to undermine women’s and children’s rights in Turkey. Her call for accountability and for a safer, more just society resonates with a broader demand for justice, not just for Narin, but for all those affected by such pervasive inequalities. We publish it in full below, translated.

Justice for Narin and against patriarchy

Sebahat Tuncel

On 21 August [2024], Narin [Güran] was murdered in Tavşantepe village in Diyarbakır’s Bağlar district. Her body was found 19 days later, during which time all evidence was either destroyed or concealed. At the trial, which began on 7 November, the truth was once again obscured. During the proceedings, all members of the Güran family defendants claimed that their contradictory statements were given “under torture”. While the Ministry of the Interior has not yet denied this claim, it is clear to the public that the alleged perpetrators are attempting to cover up their inconsistencies. It seems evident that someone advised them on how to correct these initial contradictions.

The presiding judge, aware of the significant public interest, appears to have turned the courtroom into a stage for himself. I do not believe this court is genuinely committed to uncovering the real perpetrators and the truth behind this atrocity. The erosion of judicial independence in Turkey, coupled with rulings and practices that protect the interests of those in power and their allies, may have led me to this conclusion. I hope I am wrong.

We have many reasons to distrust the judiciary in Turkey. Nearly 80% of Turkish society says there is no justice and that they do not trust the judiciary. In such a politicised judiciary, not only political cases but all criminal and civil cases—even labour court decisions—are subject to controversy. The judiciary, which protects the powerful, the wealthy, and the male-dominated interests of the ruling parties, functions not as a mechanism of justice but as one of injustice. Judges can address this injustice with their rulings, and it should be noted that we, who demand justice for Narin, expect such a decision from the court.

In the 7 November trial, several notable issues emerged. One was the effort to evade responsibility by blaming others. While it may have been a single individual who killed Narin, the reality is that a collective crime was committed against her. By choosing silence, an entire village became complicit. The state, by failing to collect crucial evidence promptly and allowing the destruction of evidence, has also become complicit in the crime. The pressing question now is: Why has the state protected the murderer(s), and why does it continue to do so?

While the Güran family attempts to blame Nevzat Bahtiyar, Bahtiyar claims that he was coerced by Salim Güran at gunpoint into participating in the crime. His emotionless description of how he concealed Narin’s body is chilling.

Another disturbing detail is the allegation that the Güran family, backed by the state, held meetings with ministers who came to their village, revealing an ongoing relationship with the ruling AKP, as admitted by AKP Member of Parliament Galip Ensarioğlu. This relationship likely enables the affluent, powerful, and armed Güran family to humiliate Bahtiyar, asserting, “Who do you think you are?” Salim Güran’s recorded statement emphasised their economic and political power, as well as his 30-year friendship with Bahtiyar, exposing a class-based perspective. One cannot help but wonder: Were there other criminal collaborations over those 30 years?

Another issue is the patriarchal mindset reflected in the government’s sexist policies. By implying that mother Yüksel Güran had a relationship with her brother-in-law, female identity is denigrated, and the killing is justified. Since the day of Narin’s murder, particularly in Turkish media, the focus has been not on the violation of her right to life but on legitimising the murder by questioning, “What did Narin see to be killed?” and discussing a so-called “forbidden love”. In court, Yüksel Güran expressed anger not at her daughter’s killers but at the assault on her own “honour”, diverting attention from the real issue. The sensationalization of this case begs the question: What is being concealed here?

The court has made no attempt to uncover the true perpetrators and the political power relations protecting them. Many questions remain unasked. Why did ministers frequently visit that village, and what was discussed at these meetings? Who attended these gatherings, allegedly conducted by a covert religious group? Although the presence of firearms in the village has come to light, the purpose of these weapons remains unexplored. Witness Baran admitted that firearms are part of their daily lives, yet the court did not even ask about the whereabouts of these weapons. Information that other girls were killed in the same village before Narin was also ignored. Questions about whether political forces like [Kurdish] Hezbollah or those in power facilitated these crimes, and whether the weapons allegedly present in the village were used in any criminal acts, remain unanswered. Without asking and answering these questions, the truth cannot be revealed.

We demand justice for Narin. We want children to be safe and able to play freely in homes and streets without fear. Those who took Narin’s life—and those who murder children, abuse them, and send babies to their deaths—draw power from a patriarchal mentality. Those who denied Narin’s right to life represent the patriarchal, religious, sexist, nationalist mindset. Patriarchy does not grant women the right to life and imposes on society the idea, instilled even in unborn daughters, that women are the slaves of men and have no purpose beyond servitude. In Turkey, children are subjected to violence, sexual abuse, exploitation, poverty, forced migration due to war and conflict, homelessness, domestic violence, and social violence, all of which create severe challenges. The patriarchal family structure and societal norms that impose a hierarchical and oppressive order on children ignore and violate children’s rights. While there are some efforts on this issue, the failure to protect children’s right to life and to provide them with safe living conditions remains a serious problem. For a world where children live freely and safely, let us strive to overcome patriarchy and the male-dominated capitalist mentality.

Sebahat Tuncel is a former MP for the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) and a former co-chair the Democratic Regions Party (DBP). She was imprisoned as part of the controversial Kobane Case, and was released in 2024, after spending more than seven years in prison.


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Tags: AKPBağlarChildren's rightsDBPDiyarbakırGalip EnsarioğluHDPMHPNarin Güran,Nevzat BahtiyarPatriarchySalim GüranSebahat TuncelSoutheast TurkeyTavşantepe

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