Azad Hajiaghaei
At the outset, it is imperative to recognise that the political operates as a stage for conflicting interests and relentless power struggles. Where human interactions become charged with tension, the political frequently emerges as a crucible of conflicts, accentuating enmity. Within this framework, political actors are often propelled by a partisan ethos, a conviction that discord will persist until the opposing force is entirely negated or extinguished.
The Partisan discourse stirs discord long before tangible actions unfold, manipulating language and ideology to deepen and entrench political divisions. This approach reduces complex realities into stark dualisms—oppressor versus oppressed—suggesting that coexistence is inherently unviable and that survival hinges upon the annihilation of the ‘other’.
Yet, amid these Partisan struggles, certain individuals, as intellectuals or thinkers, advocate for alternative pathways to mitigate human conflict. For these actors, while conflict is an inescapable element of existence, so too are survival, coexistence, and collective human challenges. Although Partisans may sever these natural bonds to widen divisions, the virtuous actor encourages opponents to recognise their shared humanity. They emphasise that the obligations of humanity transcend the battlefield; the potential for a ‘third way’ remains an avenue worth exploring.
October 9th marks the 26th anniversary of the events that culminated in Abdullah Öcalan’s arrest in Nairobi of Kenya on 15 February 1999. His subsequent 25 years and seven months of isolation in İmralı prison, coupled with his role as a prominent Kurdish leader and intellectual, provide an opportunity to examine his thoughts through the lenses of both a Partisan and virtue. This duality, while potentially obscuring a comprehensive understanding of his various aspects of personality, ultimately aids in presenting a clearer depiction of him.
Looking Back
Many of my contemporaries in Iranian Kurdistan (Rojhilat) remember when Öcalan was abducted in Nairobi, with the collaboration of the United States, Israel, and Turkey. At that time, his previous efforts to address the Kurdish issue in Turkey were little known to us. For many, especially the leftist Kurds, he was seen only as a committed Partisan and a leftist nationalist —a perception not without truth. However, his ideas were not widely accessible to Kurdish audiences in Rojhilat and Iran. Nonetheless, his arrest sparked a sense of solidarity and support, surprising the Islamic Republic and other Kurdish parties with long-standing histories of struggle.
During the Kurdish protests across Rojhilat and various Iranian universities, numerous citizens and students were killed by Islamic Republic forces, while many others were detained. However, it is to be mentioned that Öcalan’s ideas were not well known in Iranian Kurdistan. Still, his interview with Yalçın Küçük, published in Tehran soon after his arrest and titled ‘The Story of Resurgence’, provided an entry point. In this interview, he described politics in a Platonic view, as “the art of creating beauty”.
Kurds took to the streets in cities across the world in response to Öcalan’s capture by international forces in 1998. This footage was taken in Rojhilat, Iranian Kurdistan.
This definition was strikingly new, particularly for students who often viewed ‘The Political’ through a Machiavellian lens. It also marked a significant departure from traditional Kurdish conceptions of politics, which had historically focused on survival and resilience in the face of suffering.
These events coincided with Iran’s reform period from 1997 to 2005. In this climate, Öcalan’s ideas began to circulate in Kurdish and Persian, often through underground publications and samizdat publication. His published books, in his legal defence, introduced new concepts—women’s rights, civil society, radical democracy, and legitimate defence—which presented a paradigm shift for those accustomed to viewing politics through narrow, ideological frameworks.
For my generation, this shift moved away from mere hostility toward a vision of a well-ordered society centred around the concept of the ‘public good’.
To some extent, influenced by his writings, the Kurdish student movement in Iranian universities experienced a resurgence. Numerous socio-political magazines were published within these institutions and disseminated to Rojhilat, while student gatherings and the emphasis on forming civil organisations emerged as significant achievements of this period.
In subsequent years, these students expanded their initiatives into Rojhilat cities. Consequently, former student activists, leveraging this new political approach, established organisations focused on women’s rights, environmental protection, child welfare, and the promotion of the Kurdish language and literature.
The publication of Öcalan’s books in Kurdish and Persian, particularly until 2015, allowed supporters and critics to explore his broader philosophical dimensions. He was increasingly seen not merely as a Kurdish leader but as a thinker grappling with the broader ‘public good’ for a tense Middle Eastern landscape.
His references to the negotiation table during Turkey’s peace process in 2011-2015, echoed Hannah Arendt’s thoughts on the ‘public good’, while his emphasis on transcending crisis recalled Gramsci’s reevaluation of political thought. However, what set Öcalan apart, in my view, was his ‘Spinozian’ approach to the world, emphasising transformation and the horizon of the common good. It is perhaps this perspective that drew the attention of leftist thinkers like Antonio Negri.
Öcalan exhibited a profound understanding of the societal complexities within Kurdistan and the wider Middle East, coupled with a visionary aspiration for establishing a well-ordered society. His ambition transcended parochial Kurdish interests, aiming instead at a transformative agenda centred on the common good. This broad-minded perspective led him to conceptualise the ‘Democratic Nation’ as a compelling alternative to the conventional nation-state model, aspiring to curb bloodshed and disrupt the persistent cycle of thwarted Kurdish movements.
For my contemporary generations, irrespective of one’s stance on his ideology, Öcalan’s focus on quotidian realities, his advocacy for diminishing inter-nation tensions, and his critical approach to power resonate powerfully with Michel Foucault’s theories on biopolitics.
Nevertheless, this strategic vision—anchored in a belief in organisational will and grassroots support—met with opposition, even among Kurds. By examining both historical and contemporary contexts, along with the region’s intricate political realities and power dynamics, one can evaluate the strategic implications of his ideas.
Toward the Future
There is no future, only the perpetual reproduction of the past! Yet within this framework lies the possibility of constructing a new utopia to break free from this cycle. As Öcalan asserts, creating an alternative future requires moving beyond merely reproducing the past. His focus on universal values—freedom, equality, secularism, coexistence, and humanism—underscores his commitment to the “public good”, challenging entrenched power hierarchies rooted in the past.
Despite his deep understanding of conflicts of interest and power dynamics, Öcalan envisions the ‘public good’ not as an abstract ideal but as an achievement goal. To attain this in a complex Middle Eastern context, a new utopia rooted in democracy must be forged.
The period from October 1 to 10 have been designated as ‘Free Öcalan Global Days’. Throughout these ten days, Kurds around the world strive to bring international attention to the enduring tensions within this conflict-ridden region. This initiative also underscores the isolation endured by Kurdish leadership on İmralı Island for over 25 years, highlighting the profound implications of this prolonged seclusion.
To date, numerous global political figures, Nobel laureates, intellectuals, and academics have voiced their support for this imprisoned thinker and his vision. He is a thinker who champions the common good with the fervour of a partisan. His release could be a transformative step toward reducing tensions in the Middle East and fostering a sustainable, inclusive peace across the region. His freedom is both deserved and essential.
Azad Hajiaghaei obtained his Ph.D. in Political Philosophy from Tehran University in 2018. From 2000 to 2017, he served as both content produced and chief editor for various scientific and societal journals in Tehran and Sanandaj (Sine). He also wrote opinion articles for Shargh Daily News in Tehran for two years. Since 2021, he has been a postdoctoral researcher at Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland. Social media account:
