Dr. Younes Behram
The Middle East has undergone profound transformations over the past decade, with political upheavals shaking state structures and reshaping regional alliances and anxieties. Among the most pressing issues to emerge is the Kurdish question—now a central element in regional security and sovereignty equations, especially for the Republic of Turkey.
From Bouazizi’s spark to regional chaos
The wave of uprisings sparked by Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation in Tunisia swept through Libya, Yemen, Egypt, Sudan, Syria, and Gaza. In many cases, what began as revolts escalated into bloody conflicts, leaving deep political, military, and economic consequences. No neighbouring country was left untouched—least of all Turkey.
Turkey did not remain a passive observer. Rather, it actively sought to capitalise on the regional turmoil by asserting its influence through a new form of neo-Ottomanism. However, these ambitions clashed head-on with the international coalition’s competing “New Middle East Project”, which posed a direct challenge to Ankara’s regional vision.
Turkish fears over the rise of the Kurds
As events unfolded, the Kurdish issue gained new complexity. Iraq’s federal recognition of the Kurdistan Region as a semi-autonomous entity and the emergence of the self-governing Rojava model in northeastern Syria triggered alarm bells in Ankara.
These developments heightened Turkish fears of a unified Kurdish state stretching across Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and possibly Iran—a scenario long viewed as an existential threat by the Turkish state.
Faced with these evolving realities, elements within Turkey’s “deep state” opened discreet channels of dialogue with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). There was a growing realisation that limited recognition of Kurdish rights might be a more viable path than risking eventual secession.
Ankara floated proposals including cultural recognition of Kurdish identity and a decentralised provincial governance system that would grant Kurdish-majority areas a measure of autonomy without jeopardising Turkish territorial unity.
Kurdish peace conditions: From participation to self-determination
The PKK, while not rejecting negotiations outright, set forth key conditions for abandoning armed struggle. These include:
•The release of all political prisoners, especially Abdullah Öcalan and Selahattin Demirtaş.
•Constitutional recognition of the Kurdish people and Kurdish as an official language in Kurdish regions.
•Institutionalisation of administrative decentralisation.
•The dissolution of the PKK and the formation of a civilian political party to represent Kurds democratically.
•An immediate and total halt to military operations against Rojava.
A de facto cross-border Kurdish map
Today, the contours of a “Greater Kurdistan” are arguably emerging—albeit through non-traditional forms. A Kurd can now, in theory, travel from Qamishlo in Syria to Duhok in Iraq via Semalka and Ibrahim Khalil, and then into Turkey through Nusaybin, bypassing the official borders in practice.
This reality enables a form of Kurdish geographical, political, and cultural continuity. While not yet a sovereign state in the classical sense, the dream of Kurdish unity is partially materialising. Iran remains the last stronghold of centralised control over its Kurdish population.
The Kurdish–Turkish peace process represents a defining moment in the region’s history. If anchored in international guarantees and constitutional reforms, it could usher in an era of stability—not only for Turkey, but for the broader Middle East.
However, continued denial of Kurdish rights or dismissal of shifting regional dynamics will only deepen and prolong the conflict. The choice now lies with Turkey’s leadership: will it move with the international tide and domestic calls for peace, or cling to a confrontational stance that has grown costlier than ever?
Dr. Younes Behram, born in 1967 in North and East Syria (known as Rojava), is a political writer with several publications on Kurdish literature in German and in Kurdish. He is actively engaged in diplomatic work and has a significant presence in international forums. He has studied medicine, political science, sociology and law.
