Selahattin Demirtaş, the former co-chair of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) and a leading figure in Turkey’s pro-Kurdish movement, has penned a new article for the QAD–Peace Studies Association’s website. The organisation, founded in Cologne on 12 February 2024 and dedicated to peace research, now serves as a platform for fresh thinking on Turkey’s entrenched conflicts.
Despite his withdrawal from active politics in 2023, Demirtaş—detained in Edirne since 2016 on charges widely regarded as politically motivated—continues to contribute to key debates on the nation’s democratic future. In February 2024, following an earlier call from Abdullah Öcalan for a peaceful resolution to the Kurdish question, Demirtaş issued a letter of support urging all parties to embrace dialogue.
More recently, on 27 February 2025, Öcalan himself issued a historic letter from his prison on İmralı. As detailed on Medya News, in that letter he declared,
“I am making a call for the laying down of arms, and I take on the historical responsibility for this call. All groups must lay down their arms and the PKK must dissolve itself.”
This stark pronouncement comes in the wake of a symbolic moment in October 2024, when Devlet Bahçeli, leader of the far-right Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), extended his hand to pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party MPs in the Turkish parliament—a gesture seen by many as the opening salvo in a renewed peace process.
In his latest article, Demirtaş reflects on these momentous events, scrutinising the risks taken by political leaders on all sides and advocating for a comprehensive approach to overcoming historical grievances. His vision outlines the formidable yet necessary path towards securing lasting peace in Turkey.
Here is a translated version of Demirtaş’s article:
Do not be afraid! Bring peace
We are moving step by step towards a great peace that will shape the entire Middle East and the coming century—but everyone is cautious.
There are two reasons for this cautious approach: one historical, the other contemporary.
For the past century, due to the actions of the state towards the Kurds and the Kurdish uprisings against the state, neither side trusts—nor can trust—the other. This is the historical reason.
Meanwhile, we face an important election and the possibility of constitutional change. Due to political alliances, polarisation, and strategic calculations, the parties involved do not trust each other. This is the contemporary reason.
I do not have the right to speak on behalf of anyone. However, I do have the right to interpret what might be meant by the term “paradigm shift”. Now, with your permission, I will use this right and share my thoughts with you as simply as possible.
At the beginning of the last century, following the War of Independence, which was waged jointly by the Muslim peoples of Anatolia, the newly established republic excluded the Kurds. In response, the Kurds engaged in a series of uprisings. From the Sheikh Said rebellion of 1925 to the most recent Kurdish insurgency led by the PKK, there have been more than twenty revolts—large and small—through which Kurds have attempted to establish their own governance and state. However, they were unsuccessful.
During this time, the state was fully constructed as a “Turkish state” and transformed into a strong and powerful entity. The Kurds were unable to establish an independent state of their own, but they also resisted assimilation and eradication, managing to survive. A century has passed, and for various reasons, Kurds have spread across every city and district, from Thrace to Anatolia, becoming “local” to these lands.
Likewise, over the course of this century, the state has extended its institutional presence to every corner of Turkey, including Kurdish regions. This process—sometimes forced, sometimes necessary, sometimes voluntary—has led to such an interwoven reality that separating Kurds from Turks, or from the state, and vice versa, has become impossible. You do not see this level of demographic, cultural, economic, and political integration in Syria, Iran, or Iraq. In those countries, regional homogeneity still largely exists. However, Turkey’s social structure is distinctly different from the other three.
At this stage, given the pressing global and regional risks, as well as these historical and sociological realities, it is clear that a new paradigm is needed. Neither Kurds nor Turks can breathe under the weight of the past; they continue to suffer loss of life and bloodshed. Breaking a hundred years of habits, templates, and taboos is not easy—especially when so many precious lives have been lost on both sides. Introducing a “new paradigm” requires courage, foresight, and determination. But if we fail to muster that courage, we will never escape this vortex. While exhausting one another, we will also continue to serve the interests of global imperialism.
This is why Öcalan and Bahçeli are not hesitating to take great risks as they demonstrate this courage. President Erdoğan, too, is standing behind this determination, taking risks and leading the way towards a solution. Likewise, Özel, the leader of the Republican People’s Party (CHP), the founding party of the Republic, is not shying away from being part of the solution—despite all his reservations.
Even though we are in prison and have extremely limited resources, our duty is to work for peace. It is to act with conviction, believing in the beauty of peace, trusting one another, and standing behind it with all our strength.
Now, let us address the essence of this new paradigm and clarify the issue.
The Kurds were unable to establish their own independent state. They have settled across every part of Turkey and have become integrated into the country. The state, on the other hand, has not been able to eliminate or assimilate the Kurds. In that case, we must now clearly articulate the core conceptual foundation of this new paradigm—one that eliminates both Kurdish demands for a separate state and the state’s fear of division:
The Republic of Turkey is also the state of the Kurds.
For those who might ask, “Isn’t that already the case?” or for those who might say, “This will never happen,” let me respond by adding this: Kurds, with their own identity, language, and culture, will be full and equal citizens of the Republic of Turkey. They will no longer have to conceal their language and identity as they did in the past, nor will they be blacklisted, discriminated against, or forced to live in fear. They will integrate into the Republic of Turkey as Kurds, without having to abandon their Kurdish identity. Significant progress has already been made in this regard.
For many Kurds, especially while wounds and suffering remain fresh, this idea may seem unimaginable today. But this is the new paradigm, and every Kurd must now prepare themselves for it—emotionally, intellectually, and in action. Our Turkish brothers and sisters, rather than feeling concerned, should fully embrace and support this process.
The state, for its part, must now completely abandon its monolithic official ideology and open all doors to the Kurds. It must respect the Kurdish language, culture, and identity, enshrine these rights within the constitution and legal framework, and lay the groundwork for integration based on equal citizenship.
This is what I understand by the new paradigm. It is also the vision that Erdoğan and Bahçeli are standing behind, the essence of Özel’s statement, “I am offering the Kurds a state,” and the call made by Öcalan.
For this reason, Öcalan did not hesitate to make a clear and resolute call for the PKK to dissolve itself. Because one does not, and should not, take up arms against their own state. Likewise, the state does not, and should not, discriminate against or oppress its own rightful citizens. It should not be filling prisons to the brim—it should open their doors as soon as possible.
This new Turkish-Kurdish alliance will take shape and develop on this foundation, and this new reality will have a positive impact on the Kurds of Syria, Iraq, and Iran as well. From now on, no Kurd will be an opponent, an enemy, or a threat to the state they live in, nor to Turkey. And a great and powerful state like Turkey will, in essence, become the state of all Kurds.
This is now the only path to regional stability, peace, and dismantling imperialist schemes. If the rights of Kurds in Syria, Iraq, and Iran are to improve, this will happen through the Kurdish-Turkish alliance, under Turkey’s friendship and guarantee. This will empower not only Turkey but also the Kurds, the Turks, and all the peoples of the region.
It is time to break free from old moulds, habits, and fears and move forward together towards something new. Everyone must be ready for this.
The Republic of Turkey is the state of us all—full stop. In this sense, the duty of democratising the Republic belongs to all of us—full stop.
The rest we will build together, step by step, with solidarity and unity of heart, because weapons, bloodshed, and suffering are now behind us. The only obstacle ahead is our attachment to the past—but we will have the courage to transform it into something new.
With peace, we will all win—together.
Finally:
Let’s take another look at the debates that have emerged following Öcalan’s call from this perspective. But let’s also not forget that these are my personal views.
Are there conditions? There are no conditions stated in the call, but there are mutual necessities. In other words, we have the flour, the oil, and the sugar—but to make halva, we also need a pot, a spoon, and a stove. These are not conditions; they are requirements. Therefore, it is essential to clarify how and where weapons will be laid down, and what the legal and political status of those who disarm will be. Taking legal and political steps in this regard is simply a necessity of the process.
Will Öcalan personally attend the PKK congress?
Even if you were to say “Attend,” Öcalan is not going to Kandil under these circumstances. Instead, he will send a message to the PKK congress through the means of modern communication. But by that time, the restrictions on lawyer and delegation visits to İmralı should have been lifted.
Is Turkey heading towards division?
No—quite the opposite. A Turkey with stronger democracy, a growing economy, and greater peace and prosperity is now emerging as a possibility.
Why are both Turks and Kurds celebrating at the same time?
Right—because we have forgotten how to rejoice and grieve together for the past hundred years, this situation makes some people deeply suspicious. Yet this process is precisely about that: we will win together, and we will be stronger together. Perhaps not as “one nation” (tek millet), but as “a nation” (bir millet). Like a pomegranate—our hard shell will protect us from the outside, while inside, we will be like its seeds: numerous, side by side, in harmony. Unity in diversity.
In conclusion:
At no stage has there been any discussion or negotiation about constitutional changes, elections, or political alliances.
That said, taking democracy’s fundamental principles as a reference, the DEM Party has the right to engage with all political actors, to hold discussions, and to form electoral or political alliances. This right is entirely legitimate—it is as natural and rightful as a mother’s milk. And for this, the DEM Party does not need, nor will it seek, permission from anyone.
The DEM Party is not a party that will compromise on democracy, human rights, or fundamental freedoms. Therefore, all its discussions, agreements, and alliances will be shaped on this basis.
In other words, the struggle, pursuit, and construction of democracy will, of course, continue uninterrupted—because it is the responsibility of all of us to crown the Republic of Turkey with democracy and to make it even greater in its second century.
We founded this state together; we will grow it together, govern it together, and democratise it together. That is why I call upon Turks, Kurds, and all of society: Do not be afraid! Make peace.
Let us honour the memory of all our lost children, of our martyrs and veterans, by winning together.
