In response to the authoritarian and Islamist-leaning first draft constitution of the transitional government in Syria, The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) made a statement on 14 March 2025, condemning the ‘Constitutional Declaration’ signed by the Damascus government:
“The ‘Constitutional Declaration,’ which was signed today, consists of a preamble and four sections, with the most significant being the indication that the transitional phase of Damascus’ authority will last for five years.”
The administration accused government of distorting Syria’s national identity and undermining efforts to build a genuine democracy. It underscored that any legitimate constitution must be founded on the collective will of all Syrians and serve as a cornerstone for national unity and democratic governance. AANES further cautioned that such exclusionary measures risk reopening Syria’s wounds and jeopardising its fragile path toward peace and stability.
SDC also rejects the draft constitution
The Syrian Democratic Council (SDC) also rejected the Interim Government’s declaration, denouncing its authoritarian nature and failure to establish the foundations for a genuine democratic transition.
In its statement, the SDC asserts that the draft reinforces centralised rule, grants unchecked executive powers, and stifles political freedoms by restricting party formation—effectively obstructing Syria’s path to democracy.
The SDC maintains that the declaration stems from the flawed National Dialogue Conference, which excluded Syria’s diverse political and social components. The SDC at the time that any process lacking true representation cannot resolve the national crisis.
The statement also denounces the draft for its failure to incorporate essential mechanisms, asserting:
“We, in the Syrian Democratic Council, categorically reject the constitutional declaration presented by the interim government. As stated in our previous statement dated February 26, 2025, what was called the ‘National Dialogue Conference’ was not fair in representing social components or political entities. The SDC affirms that any outcomes based on this conference will fail to address the national issue adequately.”
The SDC categorically rejects any unilateral imposition of a constitutional framework that lacks broad national consensus. Instead, it advocates for an inclusive and democratic alternative—one that guarantees equitable power-sharing, safeguards political freedoms, recognizes the rights of all communities, and implements a decentralised governance model supported by robust transitional justice mechanisms.
Reaffirming its stance, the SDC emphasises that Syria is a nation for all its people and will not tolerate any efforts to reestablish tyranny under any circumstances.
Leading media platforms, including Asharq Al-Awsat, BBC and Alhurraa, have amplified the concerns of Kurdish and other Syrian communities regarding the new constitution, spotlighting the AANES’ firm rejection of the draft. The Administration – echoing the SDC’s denouncement of the draft – has criticised the proposal for its exclusionary framework and failure to address the diverse needs of Syria’s multi-ethnic society, further fueling fears of a return to centralized authoritarian rule.
The so-called Syrian ‘Constitutional Declaration’ is a façade of reform designed to entrench authoritarian rule. Cloaked in the rhetoric of sovereignty (referred to in Article 1), it consolidates centralised governance while explicitly rejecting decentralisation or autonomy.
Article 3 enshrines Islam (Islamic jurisprudence) as the primary source of legislation, effectively marginalising religious and ethnic minorities. The purported commitment to “freedom of belief” (Article 3.2) is rendered meaningless when constrained by public order powers which could limit religious freedoms. Meanwhile, Articles 7 and 9 reinforce state dominance, criminalising dissent and prohibiting alternative security structures.
The provisions on executive authority (Articles 31–36) grant the president unchecked power, including the ability to appoint legislators (Article 24.3) and arbitrarily dismiss ministers (Article 35). The military (Article 9) remains a tool of state coercion, while the rights and freedoms outlined in Articles 12–23 are hollow, contingent upon state-defined notions of “national security” and “public order.” Spanning at least 36 articles, this declaration is a legal pretext for despotism, ensuring the perpetuation of a regime notorious for suppressing opposition, eradicating diversity, and monopolising power. Given that the Kurds adhere to secular and leftist principles, they cannot accept such a constitution.
