Martin Dolzer
The historical background
In major crises, the rulers of capitalist societies tend to wage large-scale wars or implement far-reaching restructuring of economic policy. Examples of this include the First World War, the Second World War and the global neo-liberal restructuring following the oil crisis in the early 1970s. At least the Western countries, i.e. the NATO states, have been in such a major crisis since 2008 and acutely since 2017-2018. Profit maximisation and the distribution of wealth in favour of large companies and the super-rich have reached a limit. Even in the central industrialised countries of the USA, Germany, France and the UK, workers’ rights have been eroded and wages have been reduced to such an extent compared to real purchasing power that social stability is suffering considerably and many people no longer know what to eat at the end of the month or whether they can still pay their rent, electricity or water bills. Public services (education, local transport, housing, water, electricity, social work and healthcare) have also been privatised to a large extent and have therefore been partially destroyed.
In this situation, the last US administrations Trump-Biden-Trump are fighting for the global hegemony of the USA against the strengthening BRICS states (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa – now joined by Egypt, Iran, Ethiopia and the United Arab Emirates). They are fighting less fiercely, but ultimately also unfriendly, against competitors in the EU. Nevertheless, the central EU states have so far largely sided with the USA almost uncritically. Both in the Greater Middle East Project (the destruction of the sovereignty of Iraq, Libya and Syria and the reorganisation of the region from Pakistan to Tunisia) and in the escalation of the conflict against Russia through NATO’s eastward expansion, colour revolutions, the Maidan coup and the provocation of the escalation of the conflict in Donbass. Ultimately, Russia began offensive warfare there after long failed attempts at negotiation. The German government under Merkel was stable enough to prevent the US government from escalating the conflict in Ukraine, but the ‘traffic light coalition’ was not. The German government is also supporting Israel’s war crimes in Palestine, in particular being the second largest weapon supplier to the Israeli government.
Consequences of neoliberal policies for the people of Germany
One of the consequences of the developments described above is the war in Ukraine, including sanctions against Russia. However, these sanctions have in fact meant an immense decline for the German economy, as production costs are simply too high without cheap oil and gas from Russia. Many small and medium-sized companies have had to close or are facing ruin, while large companies are in crisis. Added to this is the extensive militarisation of German society, a special payment of 100 billion euros to the Bundeswehr and the payment of more than 30 billion euros to arm Ukraine. All at the expense of taxpayers and social stability.
In such a situation, a large part of German capital wants a strong right-wing force in power that maintains or expands the war orientation with its own nationalist elements and takes harsh domestic political action against left-wing opposition forces and the peace movement. The foreign policy course is set with enemy stereotypes against Russia and China and against Palestinians. Enemy stereotypes against migrants in general are being used to construct a scapegoat for the economic crisis. It is nonsense that refugees and migrants are overburdening the country. It is simply politically desirable for them to live in refugee camps, sometimes for years without a work permit and without prospects, and not to be trained and integrated. They are barely tolerated as underpaid labourers in illegal employment. After 1989, the right to asylum was also gradually undermined – first the unconstitutional third country regulation in the amendment to Section 16 – followed by many other tightening of the right to asylum and the establishment of a militarised sealing off of the EU borders by Frontex. The cynical result of this: more than 100,000 deaths in the Mediterranean in the last 20 years. In addition, right-wing forces such as the NSU and many other groups have been built up by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution, in some cases with the help of undercover agents.
This picture describes the situation quite aptly:
Global paradigm shift
In such a situation, a paradigm shift is taking place worldwide. Instead of democratically grown parties led by people with the appropriate political background, new parties are emerging with more autocratic structures and a leader centred on a person directly from capital, such as Macron’s party in France. A second variant is that direct representatives of capital take power within traditional parties – such as Trump/Musk or now Merz (as a former Blackrock manager) and move them strongly to the right. Far-right or right-wing populist parties are also playing an increasingly important role in guaranteeing the right-wing bias of the conservatives – Rassemblement National, FPÖ, UKIP or AfD.
The Bundestag election
The result of the federal election was in line with the background described above. The CDU emerged as the strongest force with 28.5%, followed by the AfD with 20.8%. The SPD with 16.4% and the Greens with 11.6% lost heavily, the Left Party with 8.8% gained strongly, the BSW failed to reach the 5% hurdle with 4.97% (13,000 votes), the FDP with 4.3%.
The fact that 49.3% of people in the Federal Republic of Germany vote for strongly right-wing forces is worrying. Today’s CDU is no longer the Merkel CDU. Merz is a direct representative of capital with no inhibitions about marginalisation and oppression. By voting in favour of a further unconstitutional tightening of immigration law shortly before the elections, he made it clear that he is prepared to push through plans with the AfD if necessary.
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The AfD itself is a real danger, as it is in part a party with fascist cadres and is clearly striving to gain power.
The SPD, with former war minister Pistorius, is ready to form a government with the CDU. In terms of foreign policy, this government will continue to pursue wars or contribute to their expansion – perhaps even attempting to unnecessarily prolong the war in Ukraine against the will of the USA. This government will do just as little to counter the genocide of the Palestinians as it will Erdoğan’s aggressive policy of extermination against the Kurds. Domestically, there will be a shift to the right towards even more repression, the dismantling of basic rights and the slashing of working conditions and wages. The further militarisation of society and education is foreseeable. The defence industry is rubbing its hands in glee.
The Greens are likely to be a weak opposition that will raise its voice in favour of refugee policy, if at all. With regard to this aspect, it is also good that DIE LINKE has entered the Bundestag. It will ask the odd critical enquiries or take part in populist campaigns in favour of migrants, communities or social movements. It will not promote movements and their dynamics. Its relationship with migrant communities is largely instrumental. Under the leadership of Jan van Aken, DIE LINKE has also become a pro-war party and has repeatedly contributed to the demobilisation of the peace movement.
In any case, DIE LINKE has participated in every mess in the state governments. In Berlin, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Bremen, Brandenburg and Thuringia, it has supported or even provided the impetus for every antisocial and undignified measure, from deportations, the dismantling of basic rights and social cuts to the massive sell-off of public services, rearmament and increasing military research. It is no longer an opposition party to be taken seriously, but has become more of a tame bedside rug. That is why it was courted and promoted by the bourgeois press and on television before the election. From the point of view of those in power, it is the fig leaf for the next wars and massive social cuts. In addition, a social media campaign aimed at red-green orientated young people has motivated them to vote or even join the party. DIE LINKE is thus becoming a substitute for an urban red-green class, but has no prospects beyond that.
In the beginning, the BSW was the hope of many people for a more consistent left-wing opposition, but then very quickly discredited itself with a racist position on migration policy and weakened itself by forming governments with the CDU and SPD at state level and an undemocratic internal structure. In addition, the BSW was deliberately discredited by the bourgeois press and on television before the election as the only consistent force for peace.
There is currently no left-wing force in Germany that consistently pursues a peace policy, stands alongside movements and is socially effective together with them.
Parliamentary elections in Hamburg
In Hamburg, I founded the voters’ association “Die Wahl für Frieden und soziale Gerechtigkeit” (The Choice for Peace and Social Justice) – Die Wahl WFG together with a number of fellow campaigners.
We have put together a state list of 24 candidates for the state parliamentary elections on 2 March – including 14 migrants from nine countries and four continents; workers and artists. Our symbol is the humpback – a peaceful and respectful animal – that protects each other or dolphins and humans when they are attacked by killer whales, for example.
In addition to the national list, we are also standing in four constituencies and have a chance of being elected as direct candidates there. As we ourselves are the damned of this earth and organise ourselves without structural pressure from ruling apparatuses, we do not allow ourselves to be corrupted and represent a consistent peace policy and a social policy in favour of all people instead of in favour of the corporations and warmongers. We are of the opinion that politics can only be organised by society itself, not hierarchically.
Conclusion
Many people rightly feel that they are no longer represented by the established parties. They have the feeling that their concerns and needs are being ignored. Unemployment, insecure working conditions, rising rents, the fear of social decline, the militarisation of society and global wars are creating a climate of insecurity. To prevent strong right-wing and far-right forces from becoming even stronger, wars and colonialism must be ended, social equality promoted and respectful and non-violent concepts for regulating and solving problems developed and implemented at regional, domestic and foreign policy level.
*Martin Dolzer is a journalist and former German parliamentarian in Hamburg region of Germany, and has written for Junge Welt and Neues Deutschland. He wrote the book ‘The Turkish-Kurdish Conflict. Human rights, peace, democracy in a European country. He is a permanent contributer to Medya News.
