Turkish authorities recently took the unprecedented decision to reinstate Abdullah Zeydan of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party as the mayor of Van (Wan), overturning a prior refusal to grant him the mayor’s license despite his clear victory in the elections. The decision, which came following two days of intense street protest marked by mass arrests and attacks on the press, as well as intense domestic and international political pressure, was heralded by some as marking a turning point in Turkish politics.
For the Turkish government has long sought to subvert the democratic process in Kurdish regions, particularly via removing democratically-elected politicians from office and replacing them with state-appointed governors or ‘trustees’. Bedia Özgökçe Ertan was herself removed from office in Van after winning the popular vote in 2019, and subsequently forced into exile in Europe.
Out of 65 mayors elected to represent the pro-Kurdish opposition at that time, 59 were removed from office, with some remaining behind bars. Medya News spoke to the Kurdish politician to hear her perspective on the attempted ‘coup’ in Van, ongoing political shifts in Turkey, and what they mean for the country’s Kurdish population and democratic opposition. Selected highlights follow, and the interview can be watched in full above.
Many former democratically-elected Kurdish mayors have been illegally removed from office, yourself included. What made the difference this time round in Van?
The operation of denying the certificate of election to the mayor the very next day caused a lot of elections, from almost everyone in the city, and also in Turkey. This time, the [mainstream] opposition raised their voices. It was a cynical attempt, and this time, it was unbearable. This time, the people took to the streets with all their might. In previous trustee processes, the pressure from the state, and the atmosphere of fear and violence were greater. At that time, anyone who objected was either arrested or fired from their jobs.
The government tried to suppress this democratic reaction; they failed; and the people had their final say. It was really a great success.
Previously, the mainstream opposition Peoples’ Republican Party (CHP) took a muted approach to anti-democratic measures in Kurdish regions, but it spoke out over the attempted deposition of Zeydan. What changed?
They began to understand us when they began to see that the danger was also directed against them. When the first trustee was appointed, we spoke to the opposition in this way: ‘Today, this injustice is being done to us. But tomorrow, it will be done to you too.’ And ultimately, they realised this danger. The opposition should, at a minimum, listen on the basis of the rule of law and the peoples’ choice against oppression. This time, the attempt to appoint a trustee led to the objection of a wide range of the opposition. Of course, I find it right, in the name of democracy.
This is what should have happened in the first place!
To what extent can we characterise the reversal in Van as a broader turning point in Turkish politics?
This latest development in Van showed very clearly that when the opposition is united, the government, which wanted to conduct injustice, took a step back. Uniting against injustice can solve many problems. This one example has opened the door to a new era in Turkey. It’s possible that a new era will begin in which [Turkish President] Erdoğan, who very harsh messages on election night to the Kurdish people, will no longer be able to raise his voice that much. It can be considered as an opportunity for a new and more transparent political process.
What will the Turkish government’s response be, as it formulates a new strategy ahead of 2028’s general election?
The state will no longer be able to continue its current policies. I think it will have to retreat from the wrong policies it has implemented thus far, to hear the demands of the Kurdish people as a way to maintain its existence, even though it was preparing for war and thought it would increase its power through the ‘trustee’ policy. It also saw that social tension was at a very high level, because Erdoğan will lose power for every second he doesn’t come to terms with the Kurds. I think the government sees this.
