The 2013 Gezi Park protests, which became a defining moment in modern Turkish history, started over urban development concerns but quickly escalated into a broader movement for civil rights and governance reforms. The movement and its aftermath continue to be a subject of legal and social scrutiny, over a decade later.
It all began nearly eleven years prior to the protests, when then-Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan announced plans to redevelop Istanbul’s Taksim Gezi Park into a commercial project. This announcement led to widespread dissatisfaction, resulting in a conservation battle that peaked in late May 2013. The planned project was to reconstruct the historic Taksim Military Barracks, which had been demolished in 1940 and replaced by Gezi Park.
On 27 May 2013, the government’s physical intervention began with the demolition of park walls and the uprooting of trees. This act became a catalyst for the protests, as citizens gathered to stop further demolition, setting up tents and maintaining a vigil to protect the park. The police response with tear gas and water cannons on peaceful protesters sparked nationwide protests, emphasising issues beyond the park’s redevelopment—highlighting demands for broader democratic freedoms and a call against increasing authoritarianism.
During the Gezi Park protests, several individuals lost their lives. The exact number of fatalities remains a subject of debate and controversy, as there are discrepancies in the official figures provided by the government and the information reported by various human rights organisations and independent sources.
According to the Turkish Medical Association (TTB), which compiled data from hospitals and medical institutions during the protests, at least eight people were killed directly as a result of the clashes between protesters and security forces: Berkin Elvan (15), Hasan Ferit Gedik (21), Mehmet Ayvalıtaş (20), Ali İsmail Korkmaz (19), Ethem Sarısülük (26), Abdullah Cömert (22), Ahmet Atakan (23), and Medeni Yıldırım (18).
These fatalities were primarily attributed to the excessive use of tear gas and rubber bullets, as well as instances of severe injuries sustained during police interventions.
The government’s response to the protests was marked by a severe crackdown on dissent. Thousands of activists, journalists, and opposition figures were arrested, and charges ranging from organising illegal demonstrations to terrorism were levelled against them. Erdoğan’s administration was accused of stifling free speech and trampling on democratic principles, raising concerns about the state of human rights in Turkey.
In the subsequent legal entanglements, numerous lawsuits were filed against the redevelopment plans. The Istanbul Fourth Administrative Court eventually halted the project, but not before significant protest actions had spread across Turkey, fundamentally challenging the government’s approach to urban planning and democracy.
While the development project was halted, Turkish government changed its focus and criminalised the protests, with several ongoing trials. Most notably, Osman Kavala, a key figure in the trials, remains imprisoned, alongside others. Despite multiple attempts by his legal team to secure a retrial, the latest application for reconsideration was denied. This decision comes amidst significant judicial reviews and changes in court personnel, underscoring the controversies surrounding the legal proceedings linked to the Gezi Park protests. Kavala’s continued detention, now exceeding six years, and the recent court decisions are seen as indicative of broader issues of judicial independence and human rights in Turkey.
