The international community must advocate for a peaceful and just resolution to the Kurdish issue, Martina Anderson, a Northern Irish Republican, said in discussion with Kurdistan expert and award-winning journalist, Fréderike Geerdink. Whilst the current Turkish administration does its best to suppress the Kurdish people, it fails, the politician added.
Anderson served 16 years of a life sentence for IRA activity before her release, secured as part of the Good Friday Agreement. Northern Ireland and the Kurdish people both seek self-determination, but whereas the Irish only have one power to contend with, the Kurds have four: Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria, the politician said.
Anderson explained that, as a former member of the European Parliament, she had a responsibility to speak up on behalf of others, such as the Kurds and the Palestinians. Now a Sinn Fein representative to the European Union, she has ongoing contact with parliamentarians across Europe. Last week, Anderson made an address in Berlin calling for the release of Abdullah Öcalan, the pioneer of the Kurdish movement, from prolonged isolated detention in Turkey. Last year, Anderson attempted to visit Leyla Güven, a political prisoner and Kurdish activist on hunger strike in Turkey, though the visit was blocked by authorities.
The power of the Kurdish people is growing, Anderson said. This was illustrated by a recent incident in which Turkey’s ruling party attempted to overturn the electorates’ decision in the city of Van during 31 March elections, following a 55:27 vote in favour of the pro-Kurdish DEM Party. The international backlash and politicised demonstrations acted to reverse the decision, but democracy was proved to be an over-rated concept to the Turkish state, Anderson said. In smaller towns, Geerdink added, soldiers were brought into vote.
Political will is required for de-escalation and to develop a peace process, Anderson said. Should that not be present, the cycle of conflict will continue. Anderson added that the international community must do more as a ‘partner for peace’ and support the rights of oppressed people, including the Kurds and Palestinians. International pressure enabled the Good Friday Agreement to be established in Northern Ireland, she noted.
Fréderike explains how the aim of the Kurdish movement has changed over time, from demanding an independent state in the late 1970s, to rejecting the nation-state model altogether and advocating for grass-roots democracy. Anderson said it is for the people themselves to develop the objective of their cause as they see fit, and a compromise must be met between opponents to secure peace.
Though the Good Friday agreement document was not a Republican document in terms of reunification of Ireland, Anderson said it did meet a core aim of Sinn Fein, to secure the right to self-determination. For both the Irish and the Kurdish struggle, she added, a commitment to dialogue is required to achieve a lasting resolution, working with empathy and inclusivity towards co-existence.
To secure a peaceful and democratic solution to the Kurdish issue, renewed dialogue must take place between Öcalan, leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), and the Turkish government. Through dialogue, the cycle of conflict can cease, Öcalan be freed, and peace talks reignited, Anderson said.
There are many Kurdish political prisoners in Turkish jails, and many Palestinian political prisoners in Israeli jails, continued Anderson, who was an honoured chair of the European Parliament’s Palestinian Delegation. The release of prisoners comes after a peace agreement, not before, she said. In turn, the release of political prisoners signals the formation of a peace process.
Anderson has also attended a ‘Breaking the Silence’ conference in Diyarbakir (Amed), the largest Kurdish-majority city in Turkey. What struck her, she said, was that half of the attendees had been political prisoners. Moreover, her own 16 years behind bars paled into insignificance in comparison to other women there, who had completed double such terms, notably for charges which appeared in disproportion to their sentence, she said.
The unique impact of imprisonment on women included rape, indecent exposure, verbal abuse, and in some cases, the inability to rear children, Anderson said, should they be detained until menopause, or due to a conviction prevented by law to adopt. Intersectionality – in this case in terms of gender – and marginalisation remain a defining feature of oppression, Geerdink concluded.
You can watch the full interview here, listen as an audio podcast, or read a full transcription below:
Fréderike Geerdink: Today, I’m welcoming Martina Anderson for a media news podcast. Anderson is a Member of Parliament for Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland. Welcome, Martina. Could you introduce yourself a bit more before we dive deeper into the conversation?
Martina Anderson: Of course, and thank you for having me. However, I need to correct you first; I am no longer a Member of Parliament. I had been a member of the Stormont Assembly, served as a junior minister to the late Martin McGuinness, and was an MEP in the European Parliament for seven and a half years. Unfortunately, I was taken out of the European Parliament against the democratic wishes of the people in the north who voted to remain in the EU. This happened because the delegations from the north of Ireland were included in Britain’s allocation when Brexit came along, resulting in our exit as well. Currently, I’m Sinn Féin’s representative to Europe, engaging with national parliamentarians across Continental Europe about the Unity referendum as outlined in the Good Friday Agreement.
Thank you for clarifying. I apologise for the mistake. Could you share more about your personal background, especially regarding your time in prison?
That’s okay. Yes, I’m also a former prisoner. I was on my 14th year in prison when I was released under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. The agreement celebrated its 26th anniversary just yesterday, on the 10th of April, and I was released the following November.
We’ve invited you today because you’ve expressed support for the Kurdish cause and Abdullah Öcalan. How do you compare the Kurdish struggle for self-determination with the Irish Republican movement? What commonalities do you see between the two movements?
Well, I think both the Kurdish struggle for self-determination and the Irish Republican movement share a common goal of seeking independence and sovereignty for our respective peoples. Both movements have faced similar challenges, including colonisation, oppression, and the denial of basic human rights by occupying powers. As we in Ireland fought against British rule, the Kurds are fighting against oppressive regimes. It was challenging enough to face only one major power, Britain, so I can only imagine what it’s like for the Kurdish people, who have to face four countries: Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. Despite the unique aspects of every struggle, the overarching desire for freedom and self-determination unites us in solidarity with Öcalan and the Kurdish cause.
Have you been familiar with the works of Abdullah Öcalan for long? Have you been following the Kurdish issue for a while?
Yes, as an Irish Republican, I have been advocating for the freedom of Abdullah Öcalan because I believe in the fundamental rights of self-determination. My first real engagement with what was happening in Kurdistan and the other regions of Syria, Iraq, and Iran, as well as Turkey, began over four years ago. At that time, several MEPs, including myself and Kurdish rights advocates, were working to bring attention to the situation.
We understand you attempted to visit Kurdish MP Leyla Güven during her hunger strike in 2019. Could you tell us more about that attempt and what happened?
Yes, in the beginning of that year, Leyla Güven was on a hunger strike, and she was in prison. We attempted to visit her, but we were physically and literally removed from outside the prison gates by the Turkish police. The state of repression was evident, and they didn’t care that their naked aggression was being witnessed because we were filming their actions.
Following your visit, did you take any actions to bring attention to what you witnessed in Turkey?
Absolutely. When we were there, we also visited the headquarters of the HDP party. Upon emerging from our meeting, we were greeted by a line of police. Back in the European Parliament, I stood during a session holding a poster of Leyla Güven, explaining our ordeal at the hands of the Turkish state. I highlighted her detention, which I believe was related to her social media posts and some press statements regarding Operation Olive Branch, a Turkish incursion into Syria.
Were you able to visit Leyla Güven again after she was released from prison?
Yes, I returned to the Kurdish part of Turkey to visit Leyla Güven after her release because she continued her hunger strike. Meeting Kurdish MPs like Leyla Güven and engaging with Kurdish people campaigning for Abdullah Öcalan’s release in Strasbourg provided me with a firsthand understanding of the depth of sentiment and determination within the Kurdish struggle.
Can you share more about your interactions with the Kurdish community and how they’ve influenced your understanding of their struggle?
My interactions, including attending a conference in Diyarbakır called Bre in the Sinin, have underscored the urgency and significance attached to issues such as political representation, human rights, and autonomy within the Kurdish community. I met with former political prisoners, including two women who struck me the most—one was recently released after serving 30 years in prison. These encounters have fostered empathy and a deeper understanding of the historical and contemporary dimensions of the Kurdish struggle for recognition, dignity, and self-determination.
Being politically active, are there other causes you feel connected to globally?
Oh, absolutely. I was the chair of the Palestinian delegation, and you cannot talk about struggles and conflicts without thinking about the Palestinian people, including the thousands who have been affected in Gaza. Sinn Féin has for years called for the European Parliament to honour its human rights obligations by suspending the EU Association Agreement with Israel due to breaches of its Article 2 obligations. I have visited Palestine on six different occasions to witness and report on the situation there.
During your numerous visits to Palestine, you led delegations five times and were honoured by Palestinian groups for your work. Can you expand on the importance of these experiences?
Yes, on five of those occasions, I led delegations, and on the sixth, I was honoured by several Palestinian groups for my efforts in the European Parliament on their behalf. My work has always been to use any platform I have to speak for those struggling, like the Palestinians and the Kurds, among others, to bring international attention to their causes.
Given your experiences as a former prisoner and your engagement with prisoners in Kurdistan and Palestine, how do you view the role of political prisoners in peace processes?
It’s critical. Like in Turkey, for instance, I believe figures like Abdullah Öcalan will only be released as part of a peace deal. This makes it urgent to work towards his release, as it signifies a move towards solving the larger conflict. This requires political will from all parties involved to genuinely seek a resolution.
You’ve spent a significant part of your life advocating for international solidarity. How do you see the international community’s role in addressing conflicts like those in Kurdistan and Palestine?
The international community must be more proactive. For example, in the case of Kurdistan and the release of Abdullah Öcalan, there’s a need for diplomatic pressure on Turkey to engage in meaningful dialogue with Kurdish representatives, respecting their political rights and cultural identity. This includes the release of political prisoners, which is essential for peace.
Reflecting on the Good Friday Agreement, do you think international pressure played a role in reaching that peace deal? How does this relate to situations like Turkey’s?
Absolutely, international support and pressure were crucial in Ireland. It’s clear that without the international community’s assistance and the negotiations around the Good Friday Agreement, the peace process might not have succeeded. Similarly, for Turkey and other conflict areas, both internal societal efforts and international pressure are vital. They must work hand in hand to achieve peace and respect for human rights.
Regarding the role of international support in the Good Friday Agreement, can you elaborate on how crucial this was for crossing the finish line?
Without the support of the international community, including the USA and the European Union, the Good Friday Agreement might not have been successful. Their advocacy for a peaceful and just resolution played a pivotal role, especially in supporting self-determination and cultural autonomy for the Kurdish people as well. This kind of international backing is essential in navigating and overcoming the challenges that come with seeking peace and democratic change.
The Kurdish movement has evolved over the years from seeking an independent nation-state to advocating for democratisation and societal transformation. How does Sinn Féin view these shifts, and how do they relate to the party’s vision for Ireland?
Sinn Féin recognises that the path to change, including the vision for the future, must come from the people and their representatives. In Ireland, our right to self-determination, enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement, represents a significant achievement. Although the agreement is not a Republican document, it has secured our right to self-determination. As we envision Ireland’s future, we see it illuminated by hope and possibility, emphasising dialogue, understanding, and an unwavering determination towards achieving our aspirations.
How do you see the journey towards achieving a just and lasting resolution for both Ireland and the Kurdish struggle?
The journey requires empathy, inclusivity, and a focus on peaceful coexistence. By engaging in meaningful negotiations and respecting each other’s rights and identities, reconciliation can promote a just and lasting resolution. In Ireland, the obligation is on the British government to hold a referendum on Irish unity as stipulated by the Good Friday Agreement. For both Ireland and the Kurdish struggle, achieving our goals involves celebrating diversity, ensuring every voice is heard, and respecting individual rights and aspirations.
With the British government having the discretion to call for a referendum on Irish unity, how is Sinn Féin preparing for potential constitutional changes in Ireland?
Sinn Féin, along with many others, is actively planning and preparing for constitutional change. We believe a referendum on Irish unity is inevitable and are working towards a future that embraces this change. For Kurdistan, the resolution of their struggle also requires a peace partner, highlighting the international community’s role in supporting these peace processes.
Your discussions with women who’ve been imprisoned for decades in Turkey offer profound insights. What have you learned from these interactions, and how have they influenced your understanding of the Kurdish issue?
Speaking with these women, I felt like my 14 years in prison were short in comparison to their 30-year sentences. Their experiences, particularly the sacrifices they made, including the impact on their ability to have children, highlighted the often unspoken struggles of women political prisoners. These encounters underscore the ongoing fight for justice and emphasize the unique challenges women face under oppressive regimes.
Can you share more about the specific challenges women political prisoners face, based on your own experiences and those of the women you’ve met?
Women political prisoners endure unique and profound challenges, from the threat of sexual violence to the impact on their reproductive rights. For example, my own inability to have children due to mistreatment and the general verbal abuse and indignities faced in a male-dominated prison environment. These experiences create a bond among women who’ve lived through such oppression, fostering deep empathy and a shared commitment to justice.
How important is intersectionality in understanding and addressing the struggles of marginalized groups, especially women, in conflict situations?
Intersectionality is crucial. It reveals the layers of marginalization and how oppressive powers disproportionately affect women. Recognizing these varied experiences helps us see the full scope of struggle and underscores the importance of addressing all forms of suppression, particularly in the context of political conflicts. This approach is vital in our efforts to support and elevate those who’ve been most deeply affected by oppression.
What sparked your engagement with the Kurdish movement?
As Sinn Féin’s representative to Europe, my role involves continuous engagement with parliamentarians and representatives across Europe. My involvement has included addressing events, such as the launch of a graphic novel about Abdullah Öcalan in Berlin, and advocating for Kurdish rights and Öcalan’s release. This engagement is part of Sinn Féin’s commitment to international solidarity.
Through your experiences, especially with women political prisoners, what insights have you gained about the Kurdish issue?
Meeting with women who’ve spent decades in prison illuminated the profound sacrifices and struggles faced by Kurdish political prisoners. Their stories, particularly concerning the impacts on their personal lives, such as the ability to have children, emphasize the broader, often overlooked aspects of political imprisonment. It instils a deep empathy and highlights the importance of international attention and solidarity.
Looking forward, how do you envision the path to self-determination for both Ireland and Kurdistan?
The future for both Ireland and Kurdistan is bright with hope and possibilities. For Ireland, Sinn Féin is focusing on planning and preparing for constitutional change, advocating for the British government to honour its commitment to the Good Friday Agreement. This includes the possibility of an Irish Unity referendum. For Kurdistan, the leadership of figures like Abdullah Öcalan, alongside international support, is crucial for advancing their struggle for self-determination. The goal is informed, participatory democracy and processes that engage the public in meaningful ways.
What inspired you to connect specifically with the Kurdish movement?
My role as Sinn Féin’s representative to Europe has allowed me to maintain ongoing contact with various European parliamentarians and representatives, including those involved in the Kurdish movement. My engagements, such as speaking at the launch of a graphic novel about Abdullah Öcalan in Berlin, are part of Sinn Féin’s broader commitment to international solidarity.
What have you learned from Abdullah Öcalan’s work regarding the role of women in struggle and society?
Abdullah Öcalan’s insights on women in struggle and society resonate deeply, emphasizing the integral role of women across all aspects of society. His advocacy for meaningful negotiations, respecting rights and identities, and promoting reconciliation shows a path to a just and lasting resolution is achievable with political will.
How can the international community contribute to the Kurdish struggle for self-determination?
The international community must pay closer attention to the Kurdish people’s situation and advocate for a peaceful and just resolution. Recent events, like the mayoral election in Turkey where the Kurdish HDP candidate won by a significant margin only to have the state attempt to overturn the result, highlight the need for global support and pressure for democracy and self-determination.