Halide Türkoğlu
Since the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, the future of women in the new Syria remains uncertain. Under Assad’s rule, women were denied rights, imprisoned, and impoverished. Since 2011, they have also become targets of violence by groups opposing the regime.
The potential for an end to chaos and conflict in the new Syria is inherently tied to the form of governance that emerges. Will Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham’s (HTS) interim government evolve into a regime that perpetuates insecurity, discrimination, denial, and genocide? Or will the people of Syria, including women, play an active role in building a new Syria, transforming it into a nation of peace where democratic coexistence ends conflict and violence in the Middle East?
The world is closely monitoring HTS’s policies, but some entrenched patterns remain unchanged from women’s perspectives. The HTS Minister for Women has promised women nothing more than Sharia law. This prospect, far removed from a perspective of women’s liberation, raises concerns about a system that restricts women’s rights, leading to fears that Syria could follow the trajectory of Afghanistan. Women’s organisations fighting for equality and freedom are aware of this risk and are in solidarity with Syrian women, amplifying their voices and struggles.
Women’s active and significant participation in the new Syria is crucial. Women have borne the greatest cost of conflict and war, living through the chaos that has taken lives and disrupted livelihoods. They are best positioned to understand the importance of peace and to construct the means for equal and free coexistence in their country. Policies of male-dominated systems have shown how governance can become a threat to women and broader communities. A constitution written by women would undoubtedly secure peace and democracy in this region.
Since 2011, women in Syria have experienced a feminist and egalitarian system through the women’s revolution in Rojava. Recognising the status of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) would also mean acknowledging the gains made by women in Syria. This status is a victory for women globally, as the model not only ensures women’s equality and freedom through a social contract but also establishes gender parity and co-leadership models across politics, the economy, social life, healthcare, and security. This has served as an antidote to the violence and discrimination stemming from male dominance and gender inequality in the Middle East.
Beyond their global recognition as women who fought ISIS, the women of Rojava have also built a new life in the Middle East. This life is a democratic model challenging the mindset that institutionalises sexism, nationalism, sectarianism, war, and genocide. Their work in education, social programmes, economic initiatives, self-defence, and women’s organisations—grounded in equality and freedom—has drawn from the historical experiences of women’s movements. Their model of communal life, guided by democratic, socialist, and ecological principles, represents the power of women’s autonomous will and voice. Those who see this model as a threat fear not only women’s gains but also the hope and reality of peaceful coexistence among peoples.
In particular, Turkey’s fear of Kurdish gains in Syria stems from its inability to resolve the Kurdish issue within its borders. This fear drives its search for alternatives to Kurdish governance in Syria, underpinning its entire foreign policy in the region. Civilian deaths have resulted from Turkey’s support of Syrian National Army (SNA) attacks and drone strikes. Women’s rights activists, such as members of the Zenobia Women’s Community, and journalists have been directly targeted and killed. Massacres like those seen during the resistance at the Tishreen Dam reflect similar methods.
The AKP-MHP government in Turkey, which persistently attacks Kurdish achievements in its domestic and foreign policies, continues to commit crimes against humanity through militias and drones against the joint living model of the peoples and women of AANES. Just as it once supported ISIS, it now backs radical Islamist groups in an attempt to destroy the Rojava women’s revolution.
However, recognising the AANES is essential to building a democratic Syria. This requires defending and legally securing equality for women, communities, beliefs, and identities in the governance and construction of Syria. As women fighting for freedom and equality against the AKP government in Turkey, we stand in solidarity with Arab, Alawite, Kurdish, Turkmen, Druze, Circassian, Armenian, and Assyrian women in Syria in their fight for a democratic Syria.
The possibility of ending war in the Middle East, achieving an honourable peace, and enabling equal, free, and communal living is achievable. The Rojava women’s revolution has already built this vision and taught us all. It is now time for nation-states to reconcile with their people, acknowledge this model where women are equal and free, and embrace it as a reference rather than denying it.
*Halide Türkoğlu is a member of parliament for Amed (Diyarbakır). She is currently the spokesperson for the Women’s Assembly of the DEM Party.
